Mujibpedia, a supposed encyclopaedic study on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was published in October 2022.
Immediately after its release, the book sparked controversies. Written in two volumes and described in its preface as an "encyclopedia," it claims to compile accounts of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's political life, the history of the Liberation War, and post-independence events.
However, critics point out that it presents a one-sided version of history and constructs a partisan narrative.
Many people discussed and criticised the book on social media, blogs and online forums.
Historians believe these criticisms arose primarily due to the exaggerated account of Sheikh Mujib's role in the Liberation War, the downplaying of contributions by other leaders, and the disregard of controversial subjects.
Some see Mujibpedia as part of the Awami League's propaganda which has been used during his daughter Sheikh Hasina's regime to justify various forms of political repression.
Exaggeration of Mujib's role
For instance, during Mujib's rule from 1972–1975, the introduction of one-party rule, the establishment of BAKSAL, the killing of political opponents, and the economic crisis were not properly addressed.
Issues such as corruption, the 1974 famine, and political unrest during this time were conveniently avoided.
The description of the famine is extremely brief and attributes the crisis mainly to natural disasters and a shortage of foreign aid.
The then-government's policy failures, corruption in food management, and political turmoil were not adequately mentioned. Even in books by AL minister Mahiuddin Khan Alamgir and former Bangladesh Bank governor Atiur Rahman, the famine was depicted as the result of Mujib's misrule. Similarly, Naomi Hossain, a professor at SOAS in London, indirectly held Mujib responsible for the famine.
But Mujibpedia ignored these national and international accounts. Instead, it presented BAKSAL as "an effort to unify and strengthen the country's administration."
However, most historians view it as an attempt to end multiparty democracy and establish one-party rule.
During Mujib's rule, around 30,000 opposition leaders and activists, including Siraj Sikder, were killed. Hasanul Haq Inu, then a JASAD leader, later an ally of the AL and minister under Hasina, once gave a chilling account in a video interview of the repression during Mujib's rule, stating that Mujib's Rokkhi Bahini suppressed dissenters, including JASAD activists.
Communist leader Aruna Sen also testified to the horrific torture she endured at the hands of the Rakkhi Bahini, a testimony many believe is comparable only to the brutality of the Pakistani military.
Furthermore, even in the second DUCSU election of independent Bangladesh, ballot snatching was introduced by the BCL. History records that in January 1973, on Mujib's orders, police fired on a Vietnam solidarity march, killing Motiul and Kader of the Chhatra Union.
In response, at a rally in Paltan, then-DUCSU VP Mujahidul Islam Selim announced the withdrawal of Mujib's titles "Father of the Nation" and "Bangabandhu," and revoked his DUCSU lifetime membership.
At the same time, Awami League workers burned down NAP's central office. In protest, then NAP leader Matia Chowdhury declared at a rally in Suhrawardy Udyan, "You are no longer Bangabandhu; from today, you are the enemy of Bengal."
Around that time, Shahriar Kabir wrote, "Mujib is no longer Bangabandhu, from now on, Mujib is a public enemy."
Such terrifying events filled Mujib's rule (1972–1975), but none of them are mentioned in Mujibpedia.
Mujibpedia portrays Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole helmsman of Bangladesh's independence, which oversimplifies history.
It conceals the contributions of other leaders and groups, such as Maulana Bhashani, Tajuddin Ahmad, Ziaur Rahman, other prominent leftists, and a large portion of Islamist scholars who actively participated in the Liberation War.
The book portrays an artificial conflict between Islam and the Liberation War, continuing an AL narrative.
In the case of the Language Movement, Mujib's role is highlighted properly, but the contributions of other leaders are comparatively under-discussed.
Even the role of the Mukti Bahini in 1971 is downplayed, while the role of the Mujib Bahini is overstated.
Different accounts about the Declaration of Independence and the events after March 25 are ignored. For example, on March 7, 1971, ASM Abdur Rob handed Sheikh Mujib the flag of independent Bengal. In a later video interview, this JASAD leader claimed that Mujib was more interested in becoming Pakistan's Prime Minister through talks with Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He recalled, "When I handed him the flag of independent Bengal, he bit his tongue."
Such narratives are absent in Mujibpedia, as are the disagreements within the provisional government during the war and the roles of India and international politics, which are simplified or presented superficially.
The book claims Mujib declared independence via a wireless message before his arrest on the night of March 25–26. But there is no proof of this. Moeedul Hasan, a close associate of Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad during the Mujibnagar Government, discussed this issue in his book Muldhara 71.
He explained that the Yahya-Mujib talks in March 1971 created a smokescreen about Mujib becoming Pakistan's Prime Minister. Because Awami League leadership remained both hopeful and doubtful about the talks, they were unable to prepare adequately for the impending military crackdown. As a result, Mujib did not declare independence before his arrest. Yet the popular perception is that he had given the call for independence. Hasan argued that after weeks of non-cooperation, the political consciousness of the masses had transformed so profoundly that once the genocide began on March 25, independence became their only goal.
Thus, it can be said that Mujibpedia, being structured entirely around Mujib, presents the long political history of Bangladesh's independence struggle almost exclusively through his personality and role. Other contemporary leaders, organisations, and developments are sidelined.
Is it truly an encyclopedia?
Mujibpedia claims that it is the first full-fledged encyclopedia in the subcontinent based on a single individual. But in encyclopedias, multiple perspectives are usually included side by side. Here, however, only one version of many events is presented as "the authentic history."
For example, BAKSAL is justified as a necessary step for rebuilding the war-ravaged economy and administration, ensuring landless people's rights, and decentralising power. In Mujibpedia, it is described not as a dictatorship but as an attempt to establish "people's democracy."
But any conscious reader knows this is the AL narrative. Many historians, both Bangladeshi and international, view BAKSAL as authoritarian one-party rule.
Reliability and weaknesses of sources
Although it claims 97 researchers worked two years and contributed to Mujibpedia, questions have arisen about the neutrality of its sources.
Critics argue references are often limited and partisan. For instance:
- Accounts of the 1971 Liberation War rely heavily on government publications and party mouthpieces, with few citations of international observers or independent researchers.
- The assassination of Mujib on August 15, 1975, is discussed in detail, but alternative political analyses of its background are excluded. While some mention is made of the role of army officers and politicians, the broader domestic and international geopolitical context is ignored.
Historians emphasise that the strength of any historical project lies in its multi-dimensional presentation of facts. But Mujibpedia either omits many sensitive and controversial chapters or presents them briefly and selectively. Many believe this was to ensure nothing contradictory to the BAL's partisan narrative emerged.
History is generally defined as a neutral, multi-faceted, evidence-based narrative of events. By that measure, it is difficult to call Mujibpedia a genuine history book or encyclopedia. At best, it can be used as a source of documents, photographs, speeches, and records.
But it lacks neutrality, multiple sources, and full discussion.
Writer and researcher Mahiuddin Ahmad alleged that Mujibpedia presents a one-sided narrative of history.
He argued, "When history is written centring on one person, other important political forces, leaders, and contexts get obscured. Readers fail to grasp the multi-dimensional character of history."
Editorial neutrality questioned
Mujibpedia's chief editor, Kamal Abdul Naser Chowdhury, was a senior bureaucrat in Hasina's government. He also served as her principal secretary.
He was also the chief coordinator of the Mujib Year centenary celebrations. From January to August 2024, he served as Hasina's adviser on education and culture. He is currently in prison.
The executive editor, Abu Mohammad Dilwar Hossain, is a professor and chairman of Dhaka University's history department, who received the Bangla Academy Literary Award under Hasina's government in 2014.
Notably, Mujibpedia has no index, making it difficult to locate topics. One may question whether this was intentional.
Undoubtedly, Mujibpedia is an important document and archive containing a vast collection of Mujib's political struggles, speeches, documents, and photographs. Yet, the way it presents a one-sided partisan narrative aimed at constructing AL's fascist discourse raises serious questions among historians and writers about whether it aligns with impartial historical practice. Thus, it is hard to consider it a final or complete history book.
The book was published by History and Culture Circle Bangladesh Ltd. with financial support from City Bank, and distributed by Agamee Prakashani. It contains 591 entries and about 750 historical photographs.
Mujibpedia was edited by poet Farid Kabir.
Notable contributors include Tofail Ahmed, Syed Anwar Hossain, Harun-or-Rashid, Muntassir Mamoon, Asaduzzaman Noor, Harun Habib, Justice Obaidul Hassan, National Professor AK Azad Khan, Atiur Rahman, Abul Momen, Mofidul Hoque, Nasir Uddin Yusuf, Brigadier General Hussain Muhammad Masihur Rahman, Lt. Col. (Retd.) Kazi Sajjad Ali Zahir, Sheikh Hafizur Rahman, Ramendu Majumder, Syed Badrul Ahsan, Mohammad Hannan, AK Abdul Momen, Mustafa Jabbar, among others.
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