Stream takes a close look at the proposed Proportional Representation system, why it can lead to more alliances, what experts say and where the differences between political parties lie.
At a roundtable discussion on 24 July, the Khelafat Majlish, for the first time as a political party in Bangladesh, proposed introducing a Mixed Member Proportional Representation (MMPR or mixed PR) electoral system as an alternative to the existing First Past the Post (FPTP) for the existing parliamentary seats.
The party said such a system would allow bringing a realistic election approach which will ensure fair voter representation, political stability and an accurate reflection of public opinion.
The MMPR comes after months of discussion centring on the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system, and the demand for a number of parties.
While many parties agree to the PR, there are some differences.
Simply put, countries like Bangladesh, India, or the United Kingdom follow the "first-past-the-post" system, where the country is divided into parliamentary constituencies. Voters choose from several candidates in each seat, and whoever gets the most votes wins.
In the PR system, candidates do not win seats just by getting the most votes in a single constituency. Instead, the goal is to make sure each vote contributes to the final makeup of parliament. The most common form is the party-list system.
Experts said that in the PR system, the number of seats a party receives in parliament corresponds to the percentage of votes it gets nationwide.
For example, in Bangladesh's 300-seat parliament, a party receiving 1% of the national vote would be allotted 3 seats. To form a government, a party or coalition must secure 51% of the total vote share. If no single party reaches that threshold, coalitions must be formed.
Currently, both the Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party – seen as the best contenders against the BNP – want the PR system.
The BNP, however, is adamant that it is not a system they are willing to implement.
While NCP has stuck to PR in the Upper House of Parliament, Jamaat has further proposed rolling it out in the Lower House as well.
Jamaat first floated the idea on July 19 while announcing their seven-point demands to the interim government.
The PR debate, however, was introduced when the Constitution Reform Commission proposed a PR election for the Upper House of the parliament while retaining the direct election model for the Lower House.
They also suggested that to be eligible for representation in the Upper House on the basis of the Proportional Representation (PR) system, a political party must secure at least 1% of the votes cast in the National Assembly elections.
According to worldpopulationreview.com country ranking, some 93 countries in the world are practising different methods of PR, including Australia, Sweden, Portugal, New Zealand, Germany and Turkey. In South Asia, Nepal is using a mixed PR method while Sri Lanka is using a party list PR method.
Meanwhile, a number of recently formed left-wing parties and alliances, including the Socialist Party of Bangladesh (Basad) and Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), have proposed that no Upper House in the parliament is needed and to elect members of Parliament based on the PR system.
The Amar Bangladesh Party has also proposed that the Upper House is not needed, but said PR was needed for Parliament.
But even with all these parties agreeing on the point, there isn't a consensus.
The BNP, one of the largest political parties in the country, has openly opposed the system.
Keeping Bangladesh's readiness for the PR system aside, parliament and election experts in the country said a lot of arguments are being observed right now.
The arguments are based on whether such a system should be adopted or what alternative should have been adopted.
But if it comes strictly to the PR system, then who is set to benefit the most?
What history shows
A review of Bangladesh's national elections since independence until 2008 shows that, with the exception of 1973, no party has ever won more than 50% of the votes.
In 1973, the Awami League secured a landslide with 73.2% of the votes.
In 1979, the BNP received 41.2%; in 1986, the Jatiya Party received 42.34%; in 1991, the BNP received 30.81% while in 1996, the Awami League received 37.44% of the votes.
In 2001, BNP received 41.4% and in 2008, the Awami League received 49% of the votes.
Despite getting 49% of the vote, the Awami League won 230 seats, while BNP, with 33.2%, won only 30 seats.
Under a PR system, the BNP would have received approximately 90 seats and the Awami League about 147.
It means since the beginning, not a single party (except in 1973) could have formed a government alone under the PR system.
What political parties say
Given the current political trends and voter behaviour, it is becoming increasingly difficult for any party to achieve 50% of the national vote, political analysts opined.
However, Khelafat Majlish Amir Allama Muhammad Mamunul Haque in the discussion program argued that both the FPTP and PR systems have limitations, and MMPR provides a more balanced and just model for Bangladesh's context.
Under the proposed system, elections would first be held using the existing FPTP method for 300 constituencies.
Then, using the PR method, the total share of votes received by each political party would be calculated. If a party wins fewer seats than its vote share, it would receive additional seats to ensure proportional representation.
A party receiving at least 1% of the total vote would be eligible for representation.
Speaking to Stream, National Citizen Party (NCP) Joint Chief Coordinator Arifur Rahman Tuhin said they wanted the PR method in the Upper House as they believed an effective higher chamber in the Parliament would be able to focus on constitutional issues and the most crucial decisions which directly impact citizens.
In contrast, BNP Vice Chairman Dr Asaduzzaman Ripon said a PR system may compromise voter rights at the grassroots level.
"The PR system never truly establishes a proper democratic structure. It deprives local voters of the right to directly vote for candidates they want. This violates their democratic rights," he said.
Ripon's statement echoes what the party has said publicly.
Even as early as 19 July, BNP decided not to agree with other political parties on introducing a proportional representation (PR) system for elections to the proposed upper house in a bicameral parliament.
Party sources told Bangla daily Prothom Alo that the BNP had also decided to politically resist any attempt to impose such a system.
Meanwhile, Central Publicity Secretary of the Islami Andolan Bangladesh Sheikh Fazlul Karim Maruf said that under the current electoral system, minorities often end up ruling over the majority.
"We want to change this system. A party that receives just 40% of the vote can end up winning over 200 seats and then present itself as an authoritarian ruler. This goes against the principles of democracy, which is why we demand a change," he told Stream.
Saiful Haque, general secretary of the Biplobi Workers Party, lent his weight behind the PR concept, but said there were some conditions and its introduction should rely on consensus.
Ruhin Hossain Prince, general secretary of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, said that while he advocates for the PR system, he believes the upcoming elections should follow the existing system given the current political reality.
'PR a blessing for smaller parties'
Political analysts and election experts said political parties with a smaller base of support are struggling to gain significant representation in government in the country.
So, a PR system can allow them to make their representation in the Parliament. And if they could form an effective alliance, it could make their presence even stronger.
Professor of Political Science at the University of Rajshahi, Md Sultan Mahmud Rana, told Stream that the PR system works well in those countries that possess mature political cultures, strong institutions and deep-rooted democratic norms, which make the system function effectively.
The reality is totally different here, he added.
He, however, said both the pros and cons coming from the political parties are true for democracy from different points of view.
In PR, one voter cannot choose their favoured person to be their leader, which is against democratic values.
Again, in the FPTP system, the minor or smaller supporter-based party could barely have proper representation in Parliament, which is also against democratic values. So, introducing PR would allow these small parties to come into the parliament, he explained.
Professor of Political Science at the Jahangirnagar University, KM Mohiuddin, said it was not yet clear whether such a system would be adopted.
He said that while there were still limitations for smaller parties, an alliance could drastically change their fortunes.
"An effective alliance can bring the vote proportion higher for the minor parties and so, more alliances can be expected during the election if the PR system is adopted," he added.
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