The victory of Shibir (the de facto student wing of the political party 'Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami') in the Dhaka University Central Student Union (DUCSU) elections seems to have sent certain political analysts, particularly those in a neighboring country, into a frenzy to frame the election results as evidence of an Islamist resurgence in Bangladesh's political landscape.
This narrative, however, oversimplifies a multifaceted reality.
A Pulse Survey conducted by the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD) in August 2025 revealed that 48.5% of voters remain undecided about their choice in the upcoming national elections, which is just five months away.
When one juxtaposes the unprecedented level of political awareness among Bangladeshis post-July 2024 with such a high degree of indecisiveness among the voting populace, it ought to raise flags among the political parties signaling a need for deeper efforts in understanding the changes in the political landscape.
To grasp the complexities of the DUCSU elections, it is essential to explore both the challenges faced by key contenders and the strategies employed by the winner.
Before analysing the winning approach, we first examine the obstacles encountered by major players like Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD) and left-leaning panels, which shaped the electoral landscape.
The JCD, the student wing affiliated with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), was a potential frontrunner but faced significant challenges that limited its effectiveness.
Over the 16 years of Awami League (AL) rule, the AL's student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, systematically suppressed JCD on campus through targeted killings, incarcerations, and various forms of persecution.
This decimated JCD's organisational and institutional framework, leaving it severely weakened.
With many members entangled in false legal cases or imprisonment, the JCD struggled to mobilise internally and mount an effective election campaign due to time and logistical constraints.
In contrast, although Jamaat-e-Islami's student wing, Shibir, was banned from Dhaka University since the 1990s, it had adapted over the years, quietly preserving its presence as student volunteers engaging in campus welfare activities.
This allowed Shibir to maintain a subtle but strong presence on campus, enabling a swift re-emergence under its banner after July 2024.
Objectively, the JCD faced an uneven playing field, which significantly disadvantaged its electoral prospects.
Despite these challenges, the JCD managed to field a panel for the DUCSU elections, but failed to articulate a compelling value proposition or narrative.
Many believe a strong, distinctive platform could have been a game-changer in the current political landscape. Instead, the JCD relied on outdated campaign narratives centered on the 1971 independence struggle.
The AL's extensive misuse of this narrative for repressive purposes over the past decade and a half made it unappealing to the student electorate, who associated it with the ousted authoritarian regime.
Apart from JCD and Shibir, left-leaning organisations formed another key category of DUCSU election panels. These groups are generally seen as pro-student and have consistently engaged in welfare-focused activities. However, they lack the institutional capacity to sustain large-scale, campus-wide initiatives over extended periods.
Unlike larger student organisations with a service-delivery focus, left-leaning groups are often viewed as intellectual, rights-oriented, and protest-driven — essential to the campus ecosystem but lacking the structure and scale needed for leadership roles.
This perception is reinforced by their reliance on charismatic individual leaders rather than robust organisational frameworks.
Additionally, in Bangladesh's national context, left-wing groups have rarely held significant ruling power, making it challenging for students to envision them in leadership positions.
This broader context underscores the complexities of the DUCSU elections, which occurred at a pivotal moment. The elections offer a critical opportunity for political stakeholders to look beyond superficial narratives and examine the strategies behind the winning party's success.
They may also serve as a reflection of the evolving priorities of Bangladesh's new generation of youth — representing a large population of voters in the upcoming national election — and their engagement with democracy.
Delving in, here are five key takeaways:
1. A focus on tangible promises
The DUCSU elections highlight a maturing democratic consciousness among Bangladesh's younger generation.
In advanced democracies, voters often prioritise a candidate's manifesto — specific promises backed by evidence of intent and capability.
Similarly, post-election interviews with students across the Dhaka University (DU) campus revealed that the Shibir-backed committee's success stemmed from its organised and proactive engagement.
The committee focused on understanding students' needs, both in residential halls and across the broader campus, and supported pro-student initiatives.
When asked whether the party's Islamic ideology drove their appeal, students emphasized that their support was very much based on the party's pre-election actions and their manifesto related to campus and student welfare and not on any ideology per se.
This shift suggests that voters are increasingly prioritising practical outcomes over ideological affiliations.
2. The power of a coherent political strategy
Perhaps the most significant of all, the DUCSU elections highlight the importance of a well-defined political strategy anchored in a compelling narrative. The Shibir-backed "Oikkoboddho Shikkhatri Jote" (United Students' Coalition) demonstrated this by systematically building their political strategy through addressing students' key concerns related to diversity, women's rights, and the preservation of DU's vibrant arts and culture scene.
Its diverse candidate panel, which included women and representatives from ethnic minorities, actively countered fears through both words and deeds.
Its outreach efforts, particularly in women's halls, and its mode of engagement across campus all served to allay fears and secure broader support.
In a perceptive move, this strategic engagement also included, as a centerpiece, a strong political narrative.
Rooted in the spirit of the July 2024 uprising, the narrative focused on ending discrimination while fostering a free, fair, and education-focused campus environment.
The Shibir-backed panel's disciplined organisation and clear messaging/narrative during voter outreach was specifically pointed out by students as an important element that was noted and appreciated.
The lesson is therefore clear — traditional campaign tactics, such as smear campaigns or highlighting opponents' failures, no longer resonate.
Voters respond to clear, evidence-based proposals that address their needs.
3. A shift away from the social contract model
This DUCSU election, in all likelihood, signals a departure from the traditional "social contract" based model that existed between students and political parties in DU.
Historically, students, particularly hall residents, were compelled to align with the ruling party's student wing to access campus resources, ensure safety, or navigate university life.
In return, they were expected to participate in political activities dictated by the ruling elite.
The DUCSU result suggests students may be rejecting this model, seeking autonomy from political affiliations to focus on their educational journey.
The elections reflect a desire for campus politics to prioritise student welfare over serving as a microcosm of national power struggles.
4. The waning influence of "Muktijuddher Chetona"
Fifty-four years after Bangladesh's Liberation War, the concept of "Muktijuddher Chetona" (the spirit of the liberation war) no longer holds the same emotional sway over the younger generation in the context of national politics.
Attempts to tether Bangladeshi politics to outdated narratives — such as the expectation of eternal gratitude to India for its self-serving role in the final days of the 1971 war or unfounded fears of reunification with Pakistan — are increasingly met with skepticism.
Born into an independent Bangladesh, today's youth lack the emotional connection to these historical touchstones.
These polls clearly show that political strategies relying on such sentiments are losing their effectiveness.
5. The resonance of the July 2024 Uprising
In contrast, the July 2024 uprising against an autocratic regime resonates deeply with students. Dhaka University was a catalyst for this movement, and Shibir's visible role alongside the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) movement earned them significant goodwill.
The Shibir-backed panel skillfully wove the uprising's spirit into their campaign narrative, striking a chord with voters.
This resonance is particularly striking given Shibir's historical marginalisation.
Since the 1990s, Jamaat's student wing faced bans on campus, and during the Awami League's 16-year rule, those even remotely suspected of affiliations with Shibir faced severe persecution.
The panel's victory, therefore, reflects both an acknowledgment by the students of their role in the uprising and at the same time a rejection of past repressive tactics.
A prelude to national elections?
While Dhaka University has historically been seen as a microcosm of national politics, poll analytics suggest that a shift may have occurred such that campus politics is no longer a full-on extension of national trends.
This time, as students have resoundingly prioritised campus-specific issues over serving as a proxy for national power struggles, the drivers of success do not directly or as easily translate to that for national politics.
Therefore, to the question du jour on whether or not the DUCSU elections predict national outcomes, the answer remains to be seen.
Nevertheless, these polls serve as a critical case study for political parties. It demonstrates that voters, particularly the youth, are reevaluating how they weigh their options and exercise their rights.
It provides extremely useful insights into how the political landscape has changed such that some of the old winning strategies not only fall woefully short, but in effect do more to drive away voters than retain them.
Since independence, for the majority of Bangladeshis, the social contract has not so much been with the state, as much as it has been with the political parties.
As such, traditionally, major parties have neither felt the need nor was it necessary to develop any strong political narrative.
However, if the DUCSU polls are any indicator, it clearly signals that that era may have departed. It would, therefore, behoove the parties well to rethink matters and perhaps start with urgently adopting well-developed political strategies with clear, evidence-based narratives that resonate with an increasingly discerning electorate.
Mir Nadia Nivin is an International Governance and Institutional Reform Specialist having served previously for about a decade and half with the UN in many countries around the world helping strengthen governance and implementing reforms. She is also a Member of the Bangladesh Electoral Reform Commission. She can be reached at nadia.nivin@gmail.com.
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