While it has been all too convenient for the interim government to assign blame to the deposed AL regime for all the ills plaguing the country, the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) polls is a buck that cannot be passed.
The DUCSU polls are set to be the dress rehearsal for the national elections – slated for February.
Aside from that, it is also going to be a litmus test – a demonstration of how fair polls will be under the interim government.
The significance of DUCSU cannot be overstated. After all, this is the same body that has given Bangladesh a number of its brightest leaders.
The student body and its leaders have also been actively part of, and even led, a number of historic movements, including the 1952 Language Movement, the 1969 mass uprising, the Six-Point Movement, and the 1971 Liberation War.
DUCSU also played a role in the fall of President Ershad in the '90s.
But interestingly, when Ershad fell and democracy was restored nationally, DUCSU fell off the radar.
The 2019 DUCSU polls would be one to unexpectedly reshape campus politics.
For the next thirty years, no DUCSU elections were held. The main blame was put on the shoulders of the university authorities, who apparently failed to organise the elections.
Most of the elections were boycotted on allegations of vote rigging and other irregularities.
This failure continued during the tenure of both the AL and the BNP.
Finally, in 2019, the DUCSU elections were held under the AL government.
And perhaps this is where parts of the AL blanket of oppression began to be frayed at the edges.
The 2019 DUCSU polls would be one to unexpectedly reshape campus politics.
History made
At the time of the DUCSU elections, eventual winner Nurul Huq Nur had not made a dent in the national consciousness.
Without a panel, Nur was a rank outsider, with few betting on his victory.
But Nur was well known on campus.
As joint convenor of the Bangladesh Council to Protect General Students' Rights, he had also made headlines for reform protests centring on the quota system in government jobs.
A local of Patuakhali's Golachipa, Nur eventually bagged 11,062 votes, or 2,000 more than his closest competitor.
This was the first time someone from outside the panels of the student groups won the VP post of DUCSU after independence.
While those in power have always seemingly advocated for elections, it has usually been after they have solidified their positions. When a student body's political party is in power, the expectation is that the affiliated students will also be in power.
Nur would go on to stage a number of protests centring on issues related to Bangladesh.
Since before his victory in the polls, Nur had become a target of AL's ire. This was a trend that would go on for years to come.
In the absence of any legitimate opposition, Nur, for a while, became the AL's only foe.
In 2024, when the AL regime was grappling with an outbreak of protests centring on the quota system, Nur was immediately arrested, once again showing how he remained AL's arch nemesis.
And perhaps Nur's fate could explain that of DUCSU's.
An unwanted race?
Four years after the previous DUCSU committee's tenure had expired, no move was taken to kickstart the next round of polls.
Interestingly, in the around 100 years of Dhaka University's existence, the student union polls have been conducted 37 times.
Of these, 29 took place during the British and Pakistan periods. The more than fifty years of independence saw Bangladesh holding only eight such polls.
This has been in contravention of the Dhaka University Order, 1973, which mandated annual DUCSU and hall union polls.
While those in power have always seemingly advocated for elections, it has usually been after they have solidified their positions. When a student body's political party is in power, the expectation is that the affiliated students will also be in power.
But an open election can throw that equation out, as demonstrated by Nur.
The opposition, too, has often resisted the elections on allegations of lack of a level playing field.
Even now, allegations have surfaced centring on the elections.
Two days ago, BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi alleged that mobs had been created to prevent Chhatra Dal from collecting nomination forms in the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) election.
"Why should such a situation exist under CA Yunus's government? Why should lawless crowds take the law into their own hands in neighbourhoods, villages, and districts?" he said while speaking at a conference.
Less spoken out aloud is the active influence of Shibir in campus politics. Many people have said that DU, and DUCSU as a result, are both in the tight grip of Shibir, making a fair election almost impossible.
How much influence the NCP wields in the proceedings will also become a talking point.
The AL, or at least its former activists pledging to be reformed, have also become active in the election. Their role will also demand scrutiny.
Furthermore, the university authorities greenlighting the Code of Conduct of the polls, stipulating that only candidates and eligible voters can participate in election campaigns, has also drawn criticism.
As the election date draws near, more controversies are to be expected. But will the old formula of boycotts and cancellations be reused? Will the first big election under the interim government have to face the disgrace of being called "unfair" or "one-sided"? Or will the interim step up and ensure that a model is established for the years to come?
While the significance of DUCSU may have declined since the 90s, the last one was evidence of the power it still holds. This power weighs on voter's mind. How the DUCSU polls play out may signal to voters how an election in the New Bangladesh will be held.
The significance of this messaging cannot be downplayed.
For now, it should be #AllEyesOnDU.
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