When alleged Awami League (AL) activists and supporters sparked violence during the NCP rally in Gopalganj yesterday, a question arose: was this the result of suppression or was there something more nefarious behind it?
The answer to this, however, is not straightforward. Rather it lies steeped in the dominance of the AL in Gopalganj, a political legacy of the Sheikh family and the influence of patronage politics.
Armed violence in the region is also not new; it has been recurring since Sheikh Hasina's ouster on 5 August, 2024. And much earlier than that as well.
Rise of regionalism
Gopalganj is not only known as the birthplace of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Over the decades it has also solidified itself as a fortress of the AL – a stronghold which the party has always been able to rely on.
Behind the political influence of this district also lies the social and political reality of Bangladesh. In this case, nepotism, patronage politics and regionalism have played an important role in domestic politics.
Indeed, there is a special structure to the politics of the subcontinent – the politics of regionalism.
The rise of regional leaders creates a large support group among the locals.
These leaders often exert influence at the regional level similar to tribal leaders. For the sake of their politics, they protect their own people and also provide various facilities and benefits.
These benefits sometimes become unfair compared to other regions. Needless to say, in most cases, they do this to gain the loyalty of the people of the region.
By adopting a lens with a basic understanding of how regionalism works, we can get a more comprehensive view of the events which have unfolded in Gopalganj.
A stronghold moulded
Gopalganj's primary significance comes from it being the birthplace of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, whose role in Bangladesh's Liberation War is undisputed in most instances.
When independence was secured, Mujib paid special attention to ensuring the development of Gopalganj, creating a deep sense of loyalty to the AL among the people there.
After his death, his daughter Sheikh Hasina capitalised on this loyalty, getting elected to parliament by her constituents eight times.
During her time as prime minister – from 1996-2001 and again from 2009-2024 – she also placed focus on Gopalganj's development, adding further building blocks to the staunch AL stronghold.
The focus on building regional political bases was not limited to the AL. In fact, leaders like Mujib, Ziaur Rahman and Hussain Muhammad Ershad built strong political bases in their respective regions.
But Hasina's spree of development in her region surpassed everyone else's efforts.
Dominate by development
During her 15-year rule, Hasina went all out in maintaining her father's Gopalganj-centric bastion, which greatly consolidated the roots of dynasty and patronage politics in the district.
She brandished her idea of "flooding the district with the tide of development".
But while gleaming new roads, offices, schools and colleges began to dot Gopalganj, an argument can be made that other districts of the country were deprived.
This bias wasn't restricted to development.
The dominance of Gopalganj, during the reign of Hasina, could also be widely observed in the police and administration.
For example, most of those who have received top positions in the police during her rule were from Gopalganj. But it's not just top officials; many officers in charge of different police stations in the capital were also from this particular district.
Even in other government posts, people born in Gopalganj were given preference.
And then there was the looting.
During the previous AL rule, under the pretext of different development projects, resultant violence reached various levels of the administration, including during the tendering process.
As a result, AL leaders and loyalists in this district became prosperous in various ways in the last 15 years.
This was, perhaps, the most terrible example of regionalism and political loyalty which plagued the AL tenure.
The patron
Political patronage is another among the main features of the political culture of Bangladesh.
Generally, political leaders dominate their constituencies by using their wealth, connections and influence.
However, this patronage reached unprecedented levels and became even more consolidated in Gopalganj under Hasina's leadership, who allocated state resources and provided various fair and unfair opportunities to the people of Gopalganj.
The most blatant ones were seen in infrastructure development, education, health and, as mentioned, employment.
As stated before, the people of this district became economically prosperous under the patronage of the previous government, through the use of state resources.
Therefore, many people of Gopalganj have special gratitude and loyalty towards the party. This can be said to be "blind loyalty".
Aside from wealth, it is also true that the extensive development projects implemented in Gopalganj have improved the quality of life of locals, creating a positive outlook towards the AL.
Needless to say, many businessmen, politicians, and government employees have established themselves in this region under Hasina's patronage.
They have taken various benefits in all areas – business, politics, and government.
For example, the influence of the AL has increased through networks such as the police. As a result, a pyramid-shaped social class has also been formed.
Difficult times
When Hasina fled the country in the face of a mass uprising on 5 August, 2024, the position of the AL in various parts of Bangladesh became quite precarious.
Gopalganj, however, stood as an exception.
There, local AL activists and supporters held a protest march in support of Hasina.
On 10 August last year, when they were protesting by blocking the Dhaka-Khulna highway, they also attacked the military in the area.
Through all this, it was clear that the influence of the AL in Gopalganj, the constituency of Mujib and Hasina, was quite strong.
And it goes without saying that the larger Sheikh family or the Awami dynasty played a big role in this.
Wednesday's attack and clash at the NCP rally in Gopalganj is another clear example of this influence.
According to press reports, after the NCP rally ended in the Gopalganj Municipal Park, AL supporters attacked leaders and activists with sticks. They even set fire to a police vehicle. Four people were killed in the clashes.
According to eyewitnesses, AL supporters first surrounded the rally site and attacked.
At that time, the police and the army were forced to fire blank shots and sound grenades to bring the situation under control.
In fact, Wednesday's violent incident also highlighted the AL's intolerance towards opposing political parties.
Is this violence just the result of political rivalry?
Not at all; rather, it stems from the strong network of the AL in the district and the politics of patronage centred on the dynasty.
Moreover, the importance of dynasty and network in Bangladeshi politics is clear through this incident.
AL, alongside Hasina, worked to make the place an impregnable base, often seeing any activities by opposition in the locality as a threat.
Such an attitude is actually related to the long-standing political legacy of the Sheikh family and their patronage policy.
In other words, the political influence of the Sheikh family in Gopalganj does not only depend on the charisma of their leadership, but also on the success, network, wealth and influence of the political dynasty.
Even now, this network – of leaders, businessmen, administrative officials and supporters – formed through political patronage, is always eager to maintain the influence of AL.
The attacks and clashes at the NCP rally prove that the political network of the Sheikh family in Gopalganj is perhaps still very effective.
The AL influence pervades in a manner which makes it hard for other political parties to exert influence.
This intolerant, unstable political reality calls our democratic process into question.
It also creates room for thinking about the long-term impact of dynasty and patronage politics.
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