In his book The Bengal Delta: Ecology, State and Social Change, 1840–1943, Iftekhar Iqbal explains a hundred years of social and political change, as well as state formation, in the Bengal Delta—particularly its eastern part. This book holds significance not only for Bengal but also for the environmental history of South Asia. Before Iftekhar Iqbal, no one had analyzed the political and social changes of the Bengal Delta—especially in East Bengal—from an environmental perspective. In this sense, Iqbal's work represents the first serious attempt at writing an environmental history of Bengal.
Until then, most mainstream historians and scholars had limited themselves to describing the environment merely as a backdrop. They viewed it as a static and unchanging element. But Iqbal was the first to demonstrate, in the case of the Bengal Delta, how environmental changes deeply influenced the region's society, politics, and state structure.
In exploring the changing relationship between ecology and society during the colonial period, Iqbal brings forward three major issues:
- The changes that were taking place within the ecological regime of the region itself;
- How these changes affected the rural economy and society
- The nature and outcome of these effects—that is, how various social forces, over a long period of time, utilized ecological resources to serve their own interests.
The Bengal Delta is an important work in the environmental history of South Asia. Before Iftekhar Iqbal, no one had interpreted the political and social changes of the Bengal Delta—especially East Bengal—from an environmental perspective.
According to Iqbal, the environmental degradation in East Bengal—particularly of its river and forest systems—was caused by complex political interventions and widespread communal tensions, which significantly influenced the region's political trends, economy, and society in the twentieth century (pp. 4–5). However, although the dynamic and diverse environment of East Bengal offers fertile ground for historians, it has yet to attract significant scholarly attention. While environmental historians have studied other regions of South Asia, Bengal—especially East Bengal—has largely been neglected.
Furthermore, the author notes that most South Asian historians who have worked on environmental history have focused primarily on two aspects: environmental "destruction" and "conservation." But little attention has been paid to how the environment can be identified within the political and social practices of the subcontinent, especially in Bengal. As a result, many regions like the Bengal Delta have been excluded from environmental history (p. 5).
According to Iqbal, environmental historians have gradually integrated agrarian history into their research. However, mainstream historians have failed to incorporate the environment into their historical theories. He argues that much of South Asian environmental history sees the state as the central actor in nature management. For example, conservationists often emphasize the strong role of the state when it manages botanical gardens, sponsors scientists, or runs colonial laboratories and research facilities.
Conversely, others view the colonial state as a reckless destroyer of nature. According to them, the drive for profit and the obsession with tax collection encouraged environmental destruction. In regions where conservation or environmental degradation occurred, the uprisings of the lower classes and the state's repressive responses have also been interpreted as evidence of the state's overwhelming power.
However, the author argues that when the colonial state lacked knowledge or had limited understanding of a specific region's agro-ecology, the modern colonial state was less authoritative and more constrained.
Now let us see how Iqbal constructs his central argument—that in the Bengal Delta, the environment was never merely a backdrop or a static element, but was always alive, dynamic, and, in many cases, even forced the colonial state to yield to its power. Including the introduction and conclusion, the author has structured his book The Bengal Delta into nine chapters.
The first chapter is the Introduction. In the second chapter, titled Ecology and Agrarian Relation in the Nineteenth Century (pp. 18–38), the author explores the relationship between the environment and agrarian issues. In this chapter, he discusses how the environment of the Bengal Delta, especially in East Bengal, influenced the colonial state's revenue administration and its various policies toward agriculture and peasants—often compelling the state to rethink or even rendering its efforts ineffective.
As an example, he discusses the Permanent Settlement. He shows that although the British introduced the Permanent Settlement in 1793, the system was not effectively implemented in Bengal. The region's shifting and dynamic environment posed obstacles to enforcing the intricate details of the Settlement. For instance, despite its formal implementation, a large part of Bengal remained outside its scope. A prime example of this was the Sundarbans. Moreover, the rivers of East Bengal continuously created new chars (riverine islands). It was extremely difficult for administrators to survey these areas because predicting where a new char would emerge was nearly impossible. As one British administrator noted, in this region, new chars appeared almost daily.
Additionally, forest-covered lands that were being reclaimed for cultivation were also beyond the reach of the Permanent Settlement. In this way, Iqbal demonstrates how the environment effectively undermined various administrative efforts of the colonial government. The administration was repeatedly defeated by the dynamic nature of the environment.
The Bengal Delta is a significant work in the environmental history of South Asia. Before Iftekhar Iqbal, no one had interpreted the political and social changes of the Bengal Delta—especially East Bengal—from an environmental perspective.
In the third chapter, the author discusses the role of the environment in the commercialization of agriculture—how the environment influenced both the state and farmers in producing specific agricultural goods. In this chapter, he analyzes the processes through which agricultural development, human well-being, and agrarian social formation were affected by the delta's environment.
The environment of the Bengal Delta—especially East Bengal—had a significant impact on agricultural production. The most important environmental factor influencing agriculture was the region's rivers. The rivers played a key role in the ecosystem of East Bengal in two ways. First, the silt carried and deposited by these rivers not only created new chars (riverine islands), but also fertilized the entire catchment area, which was beneficial for agriculture. Second, the volume and speed of water flowing from the rivers into the Bay of Bengal helped discharge saline water, thereby sustaining the freshwater ecosystem.
The environment of the eastern delta was particularly suitable for rice production. As a result, various types of rice were grown abundantly throughout the year in this region. Globally, Bangladesh became known as a major rice-producing country, with rice being its principal crop.
Additionally, East Bengal's environment was highly favorable for jute cultivation. Jute from this region was in high demand in global markets. With the economic support of producers from Dundee, efforts were made to grow jute in West Africa and British Guiana. Small-scale jute cultivation was also attempted in Japan and China. However, raw jute from Bengal always maintained a dominant monopoly.
During the period discussed by the author, the rivers of East Bengal were vibrant and dynamic. At the same time, changes in river courses rendered the western delta less fertile. By analyzing various colonial reports—especially those by Dufferin and other colonial administrators—the author shows that the condition of farmers in this region was better than in many other areas.
Iqbal has shown that the agricultural and ecological resources provided certain opportunities to the farmers of East Bengal, which they used rationally and intelligently. It is evident that they were keen on securing land rights and maximizing the use of land for crop production.
The environment was important for another reason as well—it enabled farmers to adjust their production based on changes in domestic and international market demands. For example, the author shows that when jute prices suddenly fell in 1870, farmers in East Bengal began to cultivate rice instead of jute. Such opportunities were not as prevalent in other parts of the subcontinent. For instance, farmers in Bihar could not stop cultivating sugarcane and indigo.
The environment of East Bengal largely facilitated this advantage for its farmers. Due to the delta's environment, the soil there was suitable for cultivating both rice and jute. According to the author, the relative economic prosperity played a long-lasting role in shaping and developing the society of this region during the nineteenth century. He suggests that this economic prosperity might explain why East Bengal was able to avoid the 'Victorian Holocaust.'
In the fourth chapter, the author discusses how the Forayzi movement achieved great success in the nineteenth century. He shows that the environment played a special role in the success of the Forayzi movement during that century. The author seeks to answer why the Forayzis were successful at a time when landlessness or extreme famine was not prevalent.
The author argues that various agencies of the colonial state—such as investors in land reclamation projects and zamindars—tried to claim a share of the productive value of ecological resources. Due to these rivalries, farmers' land rights were being obstructed. According to the author, the relationship between the global commodity market and ecological resources in the nineteenth century created a space or opportunity for the Forayzi movement. This movement emerged at a time when their resources essential for well-being, such as charlands and forests, were under threat.
Iqbal shows that the Forayzis made every effort to take control of khas lands (state-owned lands). But the question arises: why did the Forayzi movement decline in the twentieth century? According to Iqbal, the environment played an important role here. In the twentieth century, the rivers and canals of the region deteriorated due to both human and natural causes. This degradation had far-reaching effects on the Forayzi movement. Waterlogging and the frequency of abnormal floods were gradually increasing. As a result, the agriculture-based economy—which the Forayzi movement largely depended on—was being harmed.
Secondly, the Forayzi communication system was primarily river-centered. The main centers of the waterway-based Forayzis were also connected to rivers in various ways. This enabled the Forayzis to travel easily across different regions of East Bengal.
Analyzing various reports of the colonial government, especially those of Daferin and other colonial administrators, the author has shown that the condition of farmers in this region was much better compared to other areas.
Iftikhar Iqbal has shown that the Faraizi movement, one of the major movements of the nineteenth century, had a very deep connection with the environment. But a question may arise in the reader's mind: Are the social movements and peasant struggles mentioned by the author solely influenced by the environment? Is he giving excessive importance to the environment? Or did the colonial government's interventions, policies, or actions partly provoke these movements and struggles? How would he explain the rebellions in the hill regions, such as those in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, which is now part of Bangladesh? Around the same period as the movements and struggles caused by the dynamic environment in eastern Bengal, the Santhal and Khasi uprisings also took place. So, were these rebellions influenced by the environment, or did the British government's interference in the hills provoke these uprisings? Another point is that revolutionary uprisings in Bengal were not limited to the nineteenth century, the agricultural-environmental period mentioned by the author. From the 1760s to the end of the eighteenth century, there were vigorous Fakir-Sannyasi and peasant uprisings. How would the author explain these uprisings through the lens of environmental history?
The fifth chapter is one of the most important chapters of the book (pp. 93–116). In this chapter, Iqbal challenges the existing historiography. According to authoritative historical theories, the Great Depression of the 1930s had a significant impact on agriculture, resulting in wealthy peasants benefiting by purchasing the assets of relatively poorer peasants. This process led to the dominance of wealthy peasants in agriculture. The declining landlord class could not compete with this rich peasant class, which eventually culminated in the Great Bengal Famine of 1943. This historiography largely blamed the rich peasant class for the famine.
However, Iqbal argues that this explanation is not fully justifiable. He shows that after the Swadeshi movement in 1903, the gentry (bhadralok) returned directly to agriculture. Their return was different this time because they became directly involved in farming activities. The colonial state also encouraged and facilitated this return by providing various opportunities and benefits. Based on preliminary archival evidence, Iqbal demonstrates that in the first half of the 20th century, the gentry's descendants began cultivating khas lands themselves in regions like Faridpur and Barisal, as well as other parts of eastern Bengal.
Through this, Iqbal questions the narrative supported by historians like Sugata Bose and Partha Chatterjee, which asserts the complete dominance of wealthy peasants in agriculture. Furthermore, he raises critical questions: during the economic downturn of the 1930s, when landlords were becoming impoverished and facing losses, how did wealthy peasants manage to avoid the effects of the Great Depression? How were they able to purchase the assets of small peasants during such a crisis?
In summary, Iqbal provides a nuanced critique of the established historiography, highlighting the complexities of class relations and agricultural dynamics during this period.
The author has shown that the expansion of the railway in Eastern Bengal was closely linked to environmental degradation. Constructing railways in a riverine and waterbody-rich region like Eastern Bengal meant building numerous embankments, culverts, and bridges. The railway companies and engineers at the time did not consider environmental impacts at all. The construction of countless embankments and culverts fragmented Eastern Bengal into many small land parcels, obstructing water flow.
Iqbal demonstrated that these disruptions were responsible for the decline in agriculture in the region. The expansion of the railway caused abnormal flooding and outbreaks of diseases. For example, the Assam-Bengal Railway played a significant role in the environmental crisis of Eastern Bengal.
As a specific negative impact of railway infrastructure, the author highlights the example of the Hardinge Bridge. He showed how the bridge's pillars created problems in the river's sedimentation and navigability. This bridge was also a contributing factor behind the reduction of water and fishery resources in one of the country's largest wetlands, the Chalan Beel.
Apart from that, Iqbal identified the spread of water hyacinth (kuchuripana) as another major cause of environmental degradation in Eastern Bengal from the early twentieth century (pp. 140-159). The colonial government was always ambivalent about controlling or eradicating the water hyacinth. Some colonial administrators considered how to utilize it effectively. Many suggested using water hyacinth as fertilizer since it contained high levels of potassium. Others proposed its commercial use, especially given the increased demand for potassium during World War I. The colonial government even signed a contract with Messrs Saw and Wallace Company to supply the company with commercial-grade ash produced from burning water hyacinth.
On the other hand, another faction of the government supported the complete eradication of the water hyacinth. The extent to which water hyacinth was harmful to agriculture and the environment in the twentieth century is clear from several examples provided by Iqbal. He showed that in 1915, a group of farmers from Nasirnagar in Comilla district petitioned the government, complaining that floods and the spread of water hyacinth had destroyed all their crops. Similarly, near Dhaka, a large quantity of rice was lost in the Ariyal Beel of Munshiganj due to the rampant spread of water hyacinth.
A 1926 government report mentioned that year after year, 15 to 20 percent of Aman rice was lost due to this problem. The threat of water hyacinth was not limited to the colonial period; it continued to severely impact agriculture and the environment in North Bengal during the post-colonial era as well. Ahmed Kamal, in his research, demonstrated that in various areas of North Bengal including Comilla, the spread of water hyacinth caused devastating losses in the production of Aus and Aman rice. In the region stretching from Karonpur village in Akhaura to Pattan Union in Comilla district—a four-mile area—approximately 20,000 acres of rice fields were damaged due to water hyacinth infestation.
A lot of research has been done on the Bengal famine of 1943 so far. Various scholars and historians have explained the causes of the great famine from different perspectives. Some, like Amartya Sen, viewed the famine primarily as a reduction in food availability. Others have criticized Sen and his followers for overlooking the long-term changes that had taken place in Bengal's agriculture. These critics have dug deeper to find the causes of the famine, discussing changes in food production, increased taxation, and the impact of the Great Depression of the 1930s on the region's agriculture and economy.
Recently, Tarek Omar Ali, in his research, has shown how even marginal farmers were connected to the global market, with their fortunes tied to fluctuations in commodity prices. However, for the first time, Iqbal has put forward an environmental explanation for the Bengal famine of 1943. He argues that the environmental degradation of the Bengal delta in the twentieth century also played a significant role behind the famine. Environmental damage severely affected agriculture in the region.
At one time, Eastern Bengal produced vast quantities of rice, which was exported to various parts of India. But by the twentieth century, the situation had reversed—Eastern Bengal had to import rice from Burma.
A lot of research has been conducted on the Bengal famine of 1943. Various scholars and historians have explained the causes of this great famine from different perspectives. Some, like Amartya Sen, have viewed the famine primarily as a result of a decline in food availability.
The author argues that rural poverty in Bengal, particularly in the area now known as Bangladesh, only emerged in the twentieth century (p. 184). However, this view is subject to debate. While the author portrays the nineteenth century as a period of agricultural prosperity, many scholars have shown that rural poverty and the hardships faced by peasants and artisans were prevalent during the nineteenth century and even earlier.
Nationalist historians like Ramesh Chandra Dutta and Dadabhai Naoroji, writing in the early twentieth century, documented how British colonial policies systematically devastated the region's economy from the outset of British rule through resource exploitation and wealth extraction. They provided extensive statistics supporting this view. Despite the agricultural prosperity claimed by the author for the nineteenth century, the condition of poor peasants in Bengal was not significantly better than today; they were persistently exploited—whether by Mughal administrators, landlords, British colonizers, or wealthy peasants.
Various famines during the colonial period also attest to the prevalence of rural poverty. Although the author uses official colonial reports to argue that nineteenth-century peasants in Bengal, especially in eastern Bengal, were relatively well-off—citing low numbers of landless peasants and the ability of most peasants to have two to three meals a day—these reports are incomplete and cover only a few regions. The assumption that having two or three meals daily equates to the absence of rural poverty or prosperity is questionable. Important questions remain, such as the peasants' annual income, what percentage earned well or moderately, and how many lived below the poverty line. It is also relevant to know the standards of living, such as whether nineteenth-century peasants enjoyed luxury goods or had any savings.
Therefore, to robustly support the claim that rural poverty emerged only in the twentieth century, a comparative economic analysis of peasants' conditions across the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries would have been necessary.
Some critics have pointed out that Iqbal's use of colonial government reports and data required more cautious scrutiny and critical examination. Additionally, regarding the arguments presented in the sixth chapter (pp. 117-139) about the expansion of railways and its link to environmental degradation and agricultural decline, historian Peter Robb considers Iqbal's perspective somewhat one-sided. While Iqbal emphasizes the destructive impact of railway expansion on the environment and agriculture, Robb argues that a comparative analysis was needed to assess whether the railway expansion contributed positively to Bengal's economy.
However, Robb's critique about the uncritical use of colonial documents is not entirely accurate. Throughout the book, Iqbal interrogates the official records by cross-checking one source against another. Moreover, he corroborates colonial archives with other types of documents, showing a careful and critical approach rather than blind acceptance of colonial narratives.
Some may say that by adopting an environmental perspective or giving too much importance to the environment, many other issues have been given less importance. In this case, colonial intervention or interference, severe colonial exploitation, and resource plundering might have been overlooked, which economic nationalist theorists believe had a significant impact on the well-being of this region. Especially after the Diwani revenue collection, various experiments and policies of the colonial government had a particular impact on the economic condition of the people of Bengal.
Some critics, like Peter Rob, have pointed out a lack of interconnection between the different chapters of the book. It is true that the chapters on the Bengal Delta are written on various topics and are not tightly bound together. However, upon deeper observation, it becomes clear that each chapter is connected to the environment. The environment features prominently in every chapter, and environmental and ecological changes are examined in relation to the region's political, social, and economic transformations.
In this way, one chapter is linked to another through various connections.
In the book, Iqbal sheds light on many unresolved and controversial issues of the Bengal Delta and offers a fresh perspective. From this viewpoint, Iqbal's The Bengal Delta is a new addition to the historiography of the subcontinent, especially of the Bengal Delta, and will make an important contribution to the region's historical scholarship.
References
- Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World by Mike Davis is an important work. The author discusses the impact of colonialism, the rise of capitalism, and their relationship with famines. Iftikhar Iqbal uses "Victorian Holocaust" as a synonym for famine.
- The Faraizi Movement was one of the major reform movements in nineteenth-century Bengal, led by Haji Shariatullah. Initially, it developed as a religious reform movement but later transformed into a socio-economic movement. A large number of peasants participated in it, including Hindu peasants. For detailed information, see Muin-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, History of the Fara'idi Movement in Bengal, 1818-1906 (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1965).
- Significant rebellions in the hill tracts during this period included the Santal Rebellion and the Khasi Rebellion, which caused major upheavals.
- One of the main proponents of this view was Sugata Bose. For further reading, see Sugata Bose, Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919–1947 (Cambridge, 1986); and also Sugata Bose, Peasant Labour And Colonial Capital (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
- See Ahmed Kamal, State Against Nation: The Decline of the Muslim League in Pre-independence Bangladesh, 1947-54 (Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 2009), pp. 148-9.
- For detailed insights, see Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1981).
- Tariq Omar Ali, "The Envelope of Global Trade: The Political Economy and Intellectual History of Jute in the Bengal Delta, 1850s to 1950s," (PhD Dissertation, Harvard University, 2012).
- See Romesh Dutt, The Economic History of India: In the Victorian Age from the Accession of Queen Victoria in 1837 to the Commencement of the Twentieth Century (London: Kegan Paul, 1902); Dadabhai Naoroji, Poverty and Un-British Rule in India (India: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1988); also Bipin Chandra Pal, The Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India (India: Anamika Publishers, 2004).
- See Peter Rob's review, which can be accessed at: http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/1083
Comments