"I was never free from anxiety when I was at home in the village. I couldn't sleep in my own house at night; instead, I hid in the jungle. Why? Because if security forces saw you, they would take you away. During their operations, they would seize ordinary people like us, force us to wear uniforms, and push us to the front as human shields. 'If anyone dies, let it be the public, not the security force,' they would say.
"That is why we avoided the village after dark, choosing the forest floor over our beds. Indigenous people were made to march ahead in uniform, while young Bawm boys from the hills scattered in every direction. I fled to Dhaka myself."
This is how a young Bawm man describes his life in Bandarban, one of the three districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). He said he had seen many members of his community subjected to this kind of duress that put their lives at risk.
According to the 2022 census, the Bawms are one of the smallest ethnic groups in Bangladesh, with just over 13,000 people belonging to the group. A Christian community, they mostly live in Bandarban and in Belaichhari Upazila of Rangamati district.
Indigenous groups in the CHT have historically faced violence, both before and after Bangladesh's independence.
Speaking to Stream, anthropologist Nasrin Siraj observed that although the construction of the Kaptai Dam during the Pakistan period intensified their struggles, the lives of the inhabitants of this region changed little even after 1971.
Discrimination and land dispossession fuelled insurgencies, most prominently led by the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), a political party formed to represent minority communities and small tribes. Decades of unrest culminated in the 1997 CHT Peace Accord between the government and the PCJSS.
According to her, the presence of the security forces is actually hindering the process.
"Whatever is written on paper, the reality is de facto military rule here," she added.
Nasrin questioned why successive governments have still not fully implemented the peace treaty, though she acknowledged that it nevertheless raised hopes for lasting peace in the hills.
A community under siege: Arbitrary arrests and crackdowns
Yet in April 2024, those hopes were shaken when security forces arrested at least 126 Bawm people in a joint crackdown.
According to Amnesty International and the International Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission (CHTC), the detainees included 30 women and children, some as young as one or two years old.
As of September 2025, these civilians remain in custody, and at least three have died in detention.
Such ongoing crackdowns, carried out following a string of incidents involving the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF), have led many to flee their homes due to insecurity and fear for their lives.
On April 2, KNF militants attacked Sonali Bank's Ruma branch, abducted its manager, and attempted to loot the vault. According to the media reports, they looted Tk 17.5 lakh from Sonali and Krishi Bank branches in Thanchi on April 3. Reports said they also seized firearms, including SMGs, Chinese rifles, shotguns, and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.
Soon after, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) rescued the bank manager and arrested Cheusim Bawm, identified as the KNF's "chief coordinator".
CCTV footage reportedly helped security forces identify several KNF members, and the Bangla daily Samakal named four – Bhupal, Angeliana, Fleming, and Bapu Alpi – while noting that no women were involved.
International media claimed that none of the suspects named in media reports, including KNF founder Nathan Bawm, appeared in the nine FIRs filed after a series of bank robberies in April 2024.
Instead, the cases listed more than 180 "unnamed" accused, enabling mass arrests of Bawm villagers.
Speaking to Stream, Ruma Police Station Officer-in-Charge Suhrawardy said, "As far as I know, all of them have been cases, not GDs."
He confirmed that both named individuals, such as Cheusim Bawm, and large numbers of unnamed suspects, were implicated, with several arrested while many remain absconding.
"Some women have also been arrested, but only when suspected of direct involvement," he added.
Suhrawardy said many residents who fled in fear are now being encouraged to return, with the army and local administration providing food and financial assistance.
He added that women and children uninvolved in crimes are receiving legal aid, while bail clearance is granted to those no longer engaged in unlawful activity.
Addressing allegations of three custodial deaths, Suhrawardy categorically denied the claims. "Since I joined [1 November 2024], no one has died in police custody at Ruma Police Station."
He stressed that detainees are not kept overnight; joint forces interrogate them and then send them directly to court.
Controversy has long surrounded the KNF's origins.
The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) said that Bawm individuals and civil society members mentioned that since its inception, the KNF has garnered massive support from the security apparatus.
On IWGIA's website, photos show Nathan Bawm alongside senior security forces officers during the inauguration of the central office of the Kuki-Chin National Development Organisation.
Indigenous activist Reng Young Mro Nangchen underscored this point: "From what local people say, KNF's journey began as KNDO, and they maintained a relationship with the security force for a long time, even after starting their armed activities."
He said instead of taking action against the armed group within the bounds of the country's laws and regulations, "a policy of suppression against the entire Bawm community" has been mounted.
The IWGIA also published a photo apparently showing Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and KNF members patrolling together near a border road construction site in Ruma upazila. Stream has not been able to verify the image independently.
Nangchen and the Bawm community members, however, are clear: they are not defending the KNF. Wrong is wrong. Their question is simple: why must ordinary people bear the cost?
Innocent Bawm civilians bear the brunt
The crackdown on the community since the KNF affair has forced a significant number of Bawm people to flee their homes and seek refuge in neighbouring India and Myanmar.
According to The Times of India, citing the Lawngtlai district deputy commissioner's office in Mizoram, as of June 2024, the number of Bawm refugees sheltering in India's Mizoram state had risen to 1,368.
The IWGIA suggests the actual number is likely much higher, estimating that around 5,000 Bawm individuals have been displaced to both India and Myanmar since the military operations intensified.
During the first round of crackdown from October 2022 till May 2023, around 2,000 to 3,000 Bawm fled to India and Myanmar.
Since April last year, community members estimate another 2,000-plus have been displaced.
Beyond the mass arrests, the IWGIA reports that since 7 April 2024, at least 10 civilians have been killed, some as young as 13.
One respondent recounted the death of such a boy. The boy and his parents were eating in their jum ghar when security forces arrived. Terrified, the boy ran into the jungle, only to be shot dead.
Newspapers later reported that the 13-year-old boy was a "KNF terrorist", parrotting the ISPR's statement.
Nasrin expressed concern about whether the media could truly operate independently even today.
She noted that, as far as she knew, during Sheikh Hasina's tenure, officials of the DGFI, Bangladesh's military intelligence agency, were stationed at every media house.
Even more concerning, she added, is that the power to make decisions regarding the CHT lies solely with the security forces.
Needing a 'visa' to move, to eat, to live within country's border
Another Bawm respondent explained that after the spate of bank robberies, the security force's hostility toward the Bawm community intensified. Their freedom of movement was heavily restricted.
Now living in Dhaka, he said he can no longer visit his family, not even during Christmas. "If you are a Bawm, you'll be stopped at checkpoints [in Bandarban], detained, sometimes even arrested."
According to him, villagers were barred from going to local markets or leaving their villages to buy essentials like rice. Their only access came when Bangali traders visited to purchase bananas or pineapples from their jum fields. Only then could they secretly buy rice in return.
But that too was eventually restricted. Strict limits were imposed. No one was allowed to buy more than five kilogrammes of rice without permission from the camp commander.
"Even if you walked 10 or 20 kilometres from Ruma, you couldn't carry more unless you had written approval to buy rice," he added.
The Bawm people who wish to move must also seek permission from the DGFI.
Bawms often describe this requirement as a "visa", saying it leaves them feeling like outsiders in their own land.
Stream obtained a copy of one such application.
Kap Ngir Bawm, the village chief of Rumana Para, was unaware of such rules. On June 25, 2023, he was summoned to the camp and was suddenly declared arrested under cases that his family maintains are fabricated.
Similarly, Lalthleng Kim Bawm, 29, was arrested during the Ruma raids in April 2024 after being accused of being a KNF member.
After being detained for a year without proper due legal procedures, Lalthleng was brought to Chittagong Medical College Hospital in April 2025.
According to the media, the hospital authority declared that he had been "brought dead". His family insists he was not involved in any militant activity.
Speaking to Stream anonymously, one person described Lalthleng as a pious and simple person. "They won't listen to logic. They torture you inhumanely until you agree with their statement."
The custodial death of Lalthleng has left the Bawm community both grieving and fearful. Today, they demand a transparent accounting of what occurred while he was in custody.
The Bawm identity as a target
Part of the suspicion against the Bawm stems from their religion. As Christians, they are often viewed through the lens of regional fears.
Officials, even the former PM Sheikh Hasina, often claimed without proof that Christian groups from the CHT seek to establish a greater Christian state encompassing Mizoram in India and Kachin in Myanmar.
This paranoia has fuelled collective punishment against the community.
Yet, as many of the Bawm community told Stream, the reality is far simpler: the Bawms, or the broader Zo community, are far too small to attempt to create a nation by breaking away from major powers.
By conflating religious identity with national security threats, the state effectively legitimises extraordinary repression.
Anthropologist Nasrin notes that this perception goes beyond simple racial discrimination. She explains that the security force frames its presence in the CHT as essential for national security, citing the region's border location and the threat of external enemies.
At the same time, nationalist narratives depict indigenous communities as "different", untrustworthy, and even potential threats to Bangladesh's sovereignty by labelling them as terrorists or separatists.
Such political discourse, she argues, reinforces the prevailing situation in the areas.
More broadly, Nasrin observes a racialised hierarchy in which Bangalis are imagined as the "civilised" majority, while indigenous peoples are portrayed as backward, primitive, and still climbing the ladder of civilisation.
Stereotypes about their food, clothing, and lifestyle echo colonial-era prejudices and continue to justify discrimination.
Between hope and heartache
Nasrin highlighted the stark contrast between constitutional ideals and the pervasive reality of discrimination faced by the Bawm community. "Even though the Constitution does not allow discrimination against anyone, in reality, a lot of discrimination still exists," she said.
Nasrin pointed out that public silence on these issues often stems from fear, as individuals risk being labelled an "enemy of the state" or a "traitor" for supporting the Bawm community.
She questioned whether Bangalis even recognise indigenous people as "indigenous".
Nasrin further explained that the ongoing delay in addressing these issues is primarily due to "de facto militarisation".
She believes it could have been handled differently if the matter were treated as an ordinary criminal or civil case rather than as a matter of national security, which is how it has been framed.
She urged a deeper understanding of military rule, particularly its impact on indigenous populations.
Despite the challenges, she remains hopeful.
As a researcher, she has noted a growing awareness among the youth about indigenous rights. "The term 'indigenous' is no longer just a local concept; it's an international one," she explained. "Our youth are aware of this, and they are vocal about the rights of indigenous people."
This awareness was evident during the July movement, with wall art like "Don't pluck the leaves" and graffiti asking "When will peace come to the hills?" and "Remove this military rule!" alongside calls for justice, such as "Where is Kalpana Chakma?"
Nasrin noted that ordinary people naturally interact with indigenous communities through business and social life, a dynamic she describes as conviviality or coexistence, pointing out that they even attend the same schools or colleges.
"This reality exists," she emphasised, adding that inter-community marriages also occur.
Ultimately, she argued, when people live alongside one another, the basic desire is to coexist peacefully.
The persecution of the Bawm civilians is not just about counterinsurgency; it is about the criminalisation of an ethnic identity. Children, students, and pregnant women are swept into custody without any trial.
Nangchen pointed out that even a criminal, when arrested, has the opportunity to go through a judicial process. However, ordinary Bawm people who are detained do not even get that chance.
"It's unimaginable how much hatred and resentment must exist to inflict such great injustice and oppression on an entire community!"
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